1 .- The government's decision to settle a state enterprise and therefore dissolve an independent trade union and opposition culminated the process of redefining the state's relations with the unions. In fact, the case of the EMS runs the cycle begun in 1915 with the covenant of Venustiano Carranza to the Casa del Obrero Mundial: union support for the government as it identifies the interests of the working class as those of society.
2 .- The relationship between trade unions and the government under the historic symbolism of this deal has gone through five stages: taking proletarian interests in the decisions of government, tripartism as a means to dilute the class struggle, that of ideological connection between government programs with the flags of proletarian defense of mere wages, employment and benefits Social and relative autonomy of the state against the unions as de facto powers.
3 .- The phase-matching historic rift between government and workers occurred in the period 1976-1981: Porfirio Muñoz Ledo as national president of the PRI party defined as workers, speeding the conflict government-employers-workers . In 1981 economists Rolando Cordera and Carlos Tello characterized the time historical definition of direction: the decision about the direction of national and popular project supported on the pillar of the working class or the neoliberal leaning business interests. Was the time of the dispute over the nation between these two projects.
4 .- The definition PRI government workers was taken up not by the ideological character of the regime but by the use of the working class as a counterweight to business pressures. Ideological and political radicalism were harshly repressed by the PRI governments revolutionaries teachers, railroad, medical, oil and made on behalf of the Mexican Revolution. Governments PRI built a union hegemony embodied in Fidel Velazquez.
5 .- The historical aspiration of workers has been the definition of national development project based on the working class. He did the Casa del Obrero Mundial supporting Carranza and the Mexican Revolution. And he repeated many years later Rafael Galvan in 1975 with the Declaration of Guadalajara of the Democratic Tendency of electricians based on two pillars: a popular revolutionary government alliance with the workers and the definition of the government project subject to the agenda of proletarian unions.
6 .- The first PRI governments were defined as a function of trade unions and job security then used as the core of national stability. In the end, the PRI governments were content to just look for agreements with employers to prevent deterioration of living standards for mobile workers and social protest. But it was the coincidence of projects - Carranza and Cardenas - a phase of being a mere commitment - Echeverria and Lopez Portillo - and then only to the salary schedule - the neoliberal phase of De la Madrid and Salinas --.
7 .- The unions were divided into two groups: those subject to government control via Fidel Velázquez and served in the pay gap and independents linked to the oposición de alternancia de izquierda y en busca de una mayor radicalización popular del programa de gobierno. Los primeros se conformaron con salarios, empleo y prestaciones y luego nada más con salarios con cada día menor poder de compra y los segundos se dedicaron a confrontar al gobierno. La represión fue usada contra los sindicatos de oposición que tenían el control de las relaciones obreras en empresas públicas y estratégicas. Los casos más simbólicos han sido los maestros, los ferrocarrileros y los electricistas.
8.- La lucha usualmente perdida --conocida como la vocación por la derrota-- de los sindicatos de oposición estuvo dada por la intención de someter al Estado, de confrontarlo, to overcome it. The state took their confrontations as a way to be gaining relative autonomy against trade unions operating as real powers that even under the public company. Opposition unions have failed to establish a strategy to fight to gain positions without breaking with the state.
9 .- The case of EMS was added to the long list of unions that have wanted to defeat the state in direct confrontations. The only way to have the unions to defeat the State lies in their struggle as part of a war of positions but allied to a political party or revolutionary worker. In cycle PRI unions could not raise the Mexican Communist Party an instance of seizing power and now the PRD is not a party worker but an amalgam of elites based not on a mass movement but a very gelatinous lumpen organizations without working-class consciousness.
10 .- The political defeat of the EMS closes the cycle of union struggle to conquer the political leadership of the State. Workers without having read Marx, union leaders have not understood that the political leadership required by state control. And there have been defeated again and again, as the EMS.
By Carlos Ramirez. Post
RLB. Political points.
The campaign includes outdoor advertising, print and online, as well as radio promotions and point of sale. In addition, they are organizing guerrilla marketing actions such as flash mob organized in Barcelona, \u200b\u200bwhere 500 people gathered to jump on giant balls calls 
